The reign of Elizabeth Petrovna (1741-1761) does not belong to those periods of Russian history that have been studied in detail by specialists. However, it was in those years that Russia firmly established itself as one of the world's leading powers. Significant progress was made in industry and trade, and Russian culture was further developed. Names of M. V. Lomonosov, A. P. Sumarokov, B.-F. Rastrelli and F. G. Volkova are also connected with that time. In the two or three decades that have elapsed since the death of Peter I, generations have changed, and the sons and grandsons of those who won the battles of Poltava and Gangut have come to power. Ivan Ivanovich Shuvalov also belonged to this new generation.
He was born in 1727 in Moscow in a poor noble family and received the usual home education at that time. Thanks to the patronage of his cousins Peter and Alexander Shuvalov, who held important positions in the government of Elizabeth Petrovna, he came to court in the late 40s and attracted attention for his intelligence and reading. In the autumn of 1749, I. I. Shuvalov became a favorite of Elizabeth Petrovna.
Favoritism is a trait so characteristic of the life of the absolutist monarchies of Western Europe and Russia in the eighteenth century that it would hardly be worth dwelling in detail on the life history of one of the many temporary workers of that time. However, the documents left after I. I. Shuvalov and other materials allow us to see in him a figure of Russian culture in the middle of the XVIII century, one of the consistent exponents of the views of the nobility. The works of pre-revolutionary authors 1 contain little material about Shuvalov's views, and the facts that are presented in them are interpreted one-sidedly: he appears to the reader as a person devoid of shortcomings and completely disconnected from the social environment to which he belonged. In Soviet literature 2 there is no touch of "hagiography", it gives more objective assessments of Shuvalov. However, they still do not allow us to get a fairly complete picture of him as a person. The author of this essay is trying to fill this gap.
Shuvalov began to play the most significant role at the court in the last seven or eight years of Elizabeth's reign, when she was less often seen in public, more often ill, and lived in seclusion in Tsarskoye Selo. In those years, Shuvalov was the only dignitary who had free access to the Empress, and served as her main speaker and secretary. In an absolute monarchy, where the decision of the case could sometimes depend on the momentary mood of the ruler, the role of the favorite who influenced him increased dramatically. Shuvalov's correspondence with prominent figures of the 50s and early 60s of the XVIII century shows the importance that he acquired then in governing the country. It depended on Shuvalov when to submit a report to the Empress, how to comment-
1 Snegirev I. M. Ivan Ivanovich Shuvalov. Founder of Moscow State University and Russian philanthropist. - ZHMNP, 1837, part 15, August; Golitsyn F. N. The life of the chief Chamberlain Ivan Ivanovich Shuvalov. M. 1855; Bartenev P. I. Biography of I. I. Shuvalov. M. 1857; Russian Biographical dictionary, T. "Shebanov-Shyutz". St. Petersburg. 1911, pp. 476-490; and others.
2 S. Yaremich Foundation of the Academy of Arts. I. I. Shuvalov's presidency. In: Russian Academic Art School in the XVIII century, Moscow, l. 1934; Golitsyn N. Ivan Ivanovich Shuvalov and his Foreign Correspondents. Foreword in: Literary Heritage, vol. 29-30, part 1, Moscow, 1937; Berkov P. N. Lomonosov and the Literary Polemics of his Time. 1750-1765 Moscow-L. 1936, p. 114sl.; Penchko N. A. The foundation of the Moscow University, Moscow, 1953; Belyavsky M. T. Lomonosov M. V. and the foundation of the Moscow University, Moscow, 1955; et al.
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analyze the content of a diplomat's report and how to respond to it. Shuvalov made no secret of the fact that he himself prepared the texts of the queen's orders: "She ordered me to write a letter for her own signature, which has now been submitted." 3 Therefore, it is not surprising that the dignitaries vied to enlist the support of Shuvalov. Especially successful in this was the Chancellor M. I. Vorontsov, who, through Shuvalov, sought awards and grants from the Empress. Here is the reasoning behind one of the Chancellor's requests to Shuvalov:"I want Your Excellency to have in me a strong and rich friend, and not a weak and poor one, as I am now." 4
Largely thanks to I. I. Shuvalov, his cousins P. I. and A. I. Shuvalov managed to amass huge wealth, receiving profitable metallurgical manufactories from the state and monopolizing a number of important crafts. We should not, however, think that Shuvalov was a toy in the hands of his relatives and friends. Documents on foreign and domestic policy written in his handwriting attest to his intelligence and analytical abilities. He was well versed in matters and, if necessary, sought to solve them according to his plan.
The peculiarity of Shuvalov's official position was that in the hierarchy of official Russia, he occupied a modest place, did not have the highest military and civil ranks, orders and titles, that is, those brilliant attributes of power and external honor with which temporary workers sought to compensate for the illegality of their power. Shuvalov avoided honours, rejecting one after another offers of awards and awards. In 1757, Vorontsov submitted to him (for transfer to Elizabeth for signing) a draft decree, according to which Shuvalov became a member of the Conference at the highest court, a senator, a count, a knight of the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called, and finally, the owner of estates with a population of up to 10 thousand souls. 5 This project and others like it were not implemented due to the opposition of Shuvalov, who remained until the end of Elizabeth's reign "adjutant General, from the army lieutenant general, full Chamberlain, Orders of the White Eagle, St. Alexander Nevsky and St. Anna, knight, curator of Moscow University, Academy of Arts chief director and founder, Member of the Royal Society of London and the Royal Academy of Arts of Madrith " 6 .
One should not, however, exaggerate the significance of the favorite's modesty on the basis of his letters or legends about how Shuvalov returned to the state a million rubles given to him by the dying Elizabeth. For more than ten years, he lived on the support of the Empress, not denying himself anything. Shuvalov's modesty, which he was well aware of and even emphasized, was not so much a feature of his character as a type of behavior due to the peculiarity of this favorite's position at court. Such an extraordinary manner of behavior distinguished Shuvalov from a number of titled nobles and emphasized his exclusivity even more expressively than orders and titles. The formal insignificance of Shuvalov's place in the official hierarchy was also convenient for him in that it relieved him of responsibility for the outcome of cases in which he was involved, and even often allowed him to avoid solving them. And then the deliberate modesty of a powerful temporary worker became a mask of hypocrisy and hypocrisy: "Not being used for anything, I dare not take action without permission, and if ordered, I will write to your Excellency." 7 Contemporaries perfectly understood the true meaning of Shuvalov. "He interferes in all matters," wrote the French diplomat J. - L. Favier in 1761, " without holding any special titles or holding any special positions... In a word, he enjoys all the advantages of being a minister without being one. " 8
3 Letters from I. I. Shuvalov and Count M. L. Vorontsov. - Russian Archive, 1870, N 8-9, stb. 1416.
4 Letters of M. L. Vorontsov to I. I. Shuvalov. - Ibid., 1864, N 4, stb. 348.
5 Russian Archive, 1870, N 8-9, stb. 1398-1401.
6 TsGIA SSSR, f. 789, op. 1, 29, l. 2.
7 Letters and notes of I. I. Shuvalov to Count M. L. Vorontsov. In: Archiv Knyaz Vorontsov, vol. 6, Moscow, 1873, p. 279.
8 Favier J.-L. Notes of the secretary of the French Embassy in St. Petersburg. - Historical Bulletin, 1887, vol. 29, p. 392.
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The role of patron of art and science was even more flattering for Shuvalov than the role of the ruler of state affairs. 9 This idea is confirmed by the above official title of Shuvalov. He is very unusual for an influential nobleman and temporary worker. Shuvalov had a keen interest primarily in the field of literature and art. Every service was a burden to him. Peter III, having ascended to the throne, appointed Shuvalov as the head of the Cadet Corps. I. G. Chernyshev, not without irony, wrote to him in March 1762 from abroad: "Excuse me, my dear friend, I keep laughing, as soon as I imagine you in gaiters, how you go to command the entire corps and shout loudest of all" On guard!"10 . Shuvalov himself wrote despondently to Voltaire about this appointment, which showed a clear decrease in its former significance: "It took me all the strength of my dejected soul to fulfill my duties in a position that exceeded my ambition (crossed out - "and go into details that did not correspond to the philosophy that I would like to have. subject of classes") and my powers " 11 .
Many sources speak of Shuvalov as a gentle, well-mannered, intelligent person, but somewhat relaxed, sluggish, prone to introspection and contemplation, which clearly contradicts the stereotype of behavior of people in the middle of the XVIII century.with their inherent, children of the Enlightenment, ebullient energy and optimism. Shuvalov's letter to Vorontsov dated May 29, 1757 is noteworthy in this sense: "I, being ill, wrote to him (we are talking about another addressee-E. A.), and as the disease usually presents us with our condition, as it is exactly, I have written to him in a letter explaining my hypochondriac thoughts which I often imagine to be a consolation for my weakness of mind and cowardice... I feel that I am doing a great deal of wrong by writing this to Your Excellency; I have been ill with my head all day, and everything sad has gathered in my head. Forgive me, my dear sir, but when you open your mind to those to whom you have a power of attorney, it seems easier. " 12
Two documents are of particular interest for analyzing Shuvalov's worldview. In 1763, he wrote to his sister from Vienna: "If God wills, I will live, and when I return to my homeland, I will think of nothing but a quiet and carefree life; I will retire from the great world, which I know quite well; of course, it is not in it that I need to honor perfect prosperity, but in fact, everything b in a small number of people who are related to me or are friends with me. I only ask God to believe that neither honor nor riches can make me happy. " 13 It is hard to believe in the sincerity of the outpourings of the ex-favorite, who was sent abroad by Catherine II, as in exile. But here is a letter written by Shuvalov in December 1757, at the height of his influence. Refusing the orders, positions and other external attributes of honor offered by Vorontsov, he wrote:: "I can say that I was born without immeasurable self-love, without a desire for wealth, honor, and nobility; when, my dear sir ,I did not show any greed for these things in such an age, where passions and vanity rule people, now it is true and there is no more parable." 14 Is this hypocrisy or genuine modesty? Neither one nor the other.
We are dealing with a peculiar but real type of behavior that is characteristic of certain circles of Russian society in the middle of the XVIII century. This style echoes the behavior of members of the circle of the noble intelligentsia, headed by M. M. Kheraskov and associated with the Moscow University. It was a literary and aristocratic fronde. She cultivated the type of person who "despises external goods, is deep in self-improvement, in books, spends his life among high ideas, surrounded by the chosen and no less than his good."-
9. Bakhrushin S. V. Ocherki po istorii Moskovskogo universiteta [Essays on the history of Moscow University]. In: Uchenye zapiski Moskovskogo universiteta, yubileynaya seriya, 1940, istoriya, issue 50, p. 8.
10 Letters to I. I. Shuvalov. - Russian Archive, 1869, stb. 1842.
11 New texts of Voltaire's correspondence. Letters of Voltaire, L. 1970, pp. 62, 64.
12 Prince Vorontsov's Archive Vol. 6, p. 287.
13 Letters of I. I. Shuvalov to his sister Praskovya Ivanovna Golitsyna. - Moskvityanin, 1845, part 5, N 10, p. 140.
14 Russian Archive, 1870 .. N 8-9, stb. 1396.
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children's friends " 15 . The type of ideal person "was created as if outside of his personal life, as an ideal image of the everyday consciousness of a nobleman who rightfully occupies a high place in the class ladder and claimed independence" 16 . If we add to this the mannerism and the then accepted "languor" of the behavior of people of high society, then we will understand the nature of the role that Shuvalov chose for himself, and the fact that in real life, despite his "hypochondria" and "melancholy", Shuvalov remained an active and energetic son of the century.
The century in which Shuvalov lived is characterized by the word "Enlightenment". This powerful movement, which swept Western Europe, penetrated into Russia, becoming a factor in its cultural and social life, determining the peculiarities of the development of political thought, literature, science and culture. Shuvalov collected an excellent library, which was constantly replenished. As E. R. Dashkova-Vorontsova recalled, he received all the new books from France. The list of books submitted by him to the Academy of Fine Arts shows that he was purposeful and thorough in completing his library 17 . The main source of ideas for Shuvalov and the circle of people close to him was the French literature of the Enlightenment with its idol Voltaire and the encyclopedists. Reading and discussing literature brought the magazine "Le Cam'le'on litte'raire"to life in the mid-50s of the XVIII century. Its editor was the writer and freemason T.-G. Tschudi, who arrived in Russia in early 1754 and soon became the secretary of I. I. Shuvalov. The magazine's pages dealt with topical issues of literary and artistic life (mainly in France), published novelties of prose, poetry, philosophy, and theater. Much space was given to Voltaire and the literary controversies of the time. The introduction of Russian readers to the literature of the Enlightenment was continued in the magazine "Monthly Works", published since 1755. The country developed an educational environment in which Shuvalov lived and worked .18
The perception of Enlightenment ideas depended not only on a person's individuality, but also on the objective conditions of life in Russia, the position of the class-the estate of the nobility, to which Shuvalov belonged. An example is Shuvalov's attitude to Voltaire. Shuvalov's views were far from obscurantist. Moreover, he helped to create in Russia a bold book by the English educator A. Popa, "The Experience of Man", translated by N. N. Popovsky, a student of Lomonosov, which was close to atheism at that time. He also did a lot to protect Lomonosov himself from the church as the author of the "Hymn to the Beard" 19 . Nevertheless, Shuvalov clearly did not approve of the anti-clericalism of Voltaire and other enlighteners, perceiving their views as condemned godlessness. In a letter to Vorontsov from France in 1766, he deplored the perceived decline in morals and religion in the country and saw this as a direct result of reading Voltaire's Works and the Encyclopedia. "These are the fruits of the masters of the learned people here, who have sought to destroy the Christian law!" 20 the enlightened Russian nobleman exclaims with pathos. This attitude of Shuvalov to Voltaire and the enlighteners shows the point of view characteristic of many figures of Russian culture of that era, according to which the literary talent of Voltaire and other enlighteners was unconditionally recognized and their criticism of feudalism, their pantheism and hedonism were almost completely denied .21
15 Gukovsky G. A. Ocherki po istorii russkoy literatury XVIII veka [Essays on the history of Russian literature of the 18th century].
16 Ibid.
17 Dashkova E. R. Zapiski [Notes]. St. Petersburg, 1906, p. I; on Shuvalov's acquisition of the Moscow University Library, see: Archiv Knyaz Vorontsov, vol. 6, p. 286.
18 Popova M. N. Teodor-Heinrich Tschudi and the magazine "Le Cameleon litteraire", founded by him in 1755. - Izvestiya AN SSSR, seriya 7, ed. humanities, 1929, No. 1; Zaborov P. R. Voltaire in Russian translations of the XVIII century. In: Epoch of Enlightenment. From the History of International Relations of Russian Literature, L. 1967. "Le Cameleon" was published in 312 copies. For a foreign-language periodical in Russia in the mid-18th century. it was a significant print run.
19 Pekarsky P. Shuvalov's letter about permission to print a translation of Popovsky's book Popa "Experience about Man". - Bibliographic notes, 1858, vol. 1, N 16.
20 Prince Vorontsov's Archive, vol. 6, p. 305.
21 Zaborov P. R. Russkaya literatura i Voltaire (XVIII - pervaya tret ' XIX veka) [Russian Literature and Voltaire (XVIII-first third of the XIX century)]. l. 1978, p. 68.
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Rejecting the radicalism of Voltaire and the encyclopedists, Shuvalov saw in the Enlightenment mainly the struggle for enlightenment and education against ignorance and superstition, and in the victory of the Enlightenment - the guarantee of the welfare of the state ("And when superstition and ignorance - the main opponents of the enlightenment disappeared, one should expect undoubted success"). According to Shuvalov, Peter I was the first person who started the fight against ignorance and superstition in Russia. He achieved outstanding success, because he adopted the achievements of culture and science ("his divine enterprise had fulfillment through science").22 . The reforms of Peter I were presented to Shuvalov primarily as reforms of education, education of qualified and educated loyal subjects. "The main task of this monarch," he wrote about Peter I in a draft decree to the Senate, "was to make capable people for the government of various positions that make up the general order of the state." 23 However, foreigners who came to Russia after the death of Peter I "did not care about the spread of sciences and arts in a country foreign to them"; as a result, "such carelessness about the education of young people... in some ways, it stopped the progress of the enlightenment. That is why the noble zeal for learning has been completely extinguished in many of my countrymen. " 24
It should be noted that involvement in the family of European peoples was perceived in Russia in the middle of the XVIII century not only as copying European customs, everyday life, and culture, but also as an awareness of one's equality with members of this family, and consequently, an awareness of one's own significance and value as a people. Shuvalov and his contemporaries were particularly upset by the widespread opinion outside of Russia about the inability of Russians to master pan-European culture without outside help. Referring to the time of Bironovism, Shuvalov wrote to Helvetius: "Such an unpleasant period of time for us gave rise to some foreigners unfairly to think that our fatherland is incapable of producing such people as they should be." This motif is repeated in the draft submitted by Shuvalov to Elizabeth: "The opinion of foreign people that there are no worthy people in Russia brings extreme prejudice to the whole people." And further: envious people of Russia "caress that we are destroying ourselves here by our ignorance, and returned to it without fear" 25 .
To convince everyone of the opposite - this was the idea of Shuvalov and Russian cultural figures close to him. Lomonosov expressed this idea most succinctly: "The Russian land can give birth to its own Platons and quick-witted Newtons." Noteworthy is the speech of N. N. Popovsky, a student of Lomonosov and a protégé of Shuvalov, a professor at Moscow University, at the opening of the gymnasium of this university in 1755. Addressing future students, he said:: "If you are willing and diligent, you will soon be able to show that you, too, are naturally given the same minds as those that entire nations boast of; assure the world that Russia has not had time to enter the ranks of enlightened nations due to her late beginning of her teaching, rather than her impotence."26 In such an environment, it is natural to emphasize one's own culture and the capabilities of Russian people. Lomonosov especially wrote a lot about this. His views were supported by Shuvalov, who said that Russia "has few or almost no skilled people of its own, which is not the inclination and concept of people, but the bad looks in wise institutions are to blame." 27
This statement of Shuvalov, like many others, reflects his concept of understanding the Enlightenment in relation to Russia: the State can, through the creation of "wise institutions", bring up enlightened, conscientious and obedient loyal subjects. In accordance with this, he intended to create a coherent education system. University, Academy of Arts, project for introducing a gymnasium
22 Papers of I. I. Shuvalov. - Russian Archive, 1867, N 1.
23 Russian Archive, 1867, N 1, stb. 73.
24 Literaturnoe nasledstvo [Literary Heritage], vol. 29-30, p. 272.
25 Russian Archive, 1867, N 1, stb. 74-75.
26 Selected works of Russian thinkers of the second half of the XVIII century, Moscow, 1952, p. 92.
27 Russian Archive, 1867, N 1, stb. 75.
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education in the provinces - here are a number of activities of Shuvalov's educational program, developed and partially implemented in the 50s of the XVIII century.
In this case, Shuvalov placed great hopes on Lomonosov, in whom he saw a scientist and teacher who was well acquainted with the organization of the university system in Western Europe. Shuvalov met Lomonosov in the early 50s. Their relationship, which lasted until Lomonosov's death, was quite close, and the scientist had a strong influence on Shuvalov. This is not surprising. The outstanding personality of the great Pomeranian attracted Shuvalov not only by his success in the natural sciences, but above all by his brilliant poetic talent. There is evidence that Shuvalov himself composed poetry and took lessons in versification from Lomonosov 28 . Correspondence shows that the poetic authority of Lomonosov was unusually high for Shuvalov, who was not noted for his poetic talent. Here is one of the testimonies describing the attitude of Shuvalov to Lomonosov, the poet: "I am surprised in your various works and translations... to the richness and beauty of the Russian language, which extends from hour to hour with the best achievements yet without prescribed rules and approved by general agreement " 29 . For his part, Shuvalov also influenced Lomonosov: under his direct influence, the latter took up writing plays and the History of Russia .30
An important circumstance that determined the attitude of Shuvalov to Lomonosov was that he was a "natural" Russian poet and scientist, a living personification of the real success of Peter I's course on the education of the Russian intelligentsia. In the first collected works of Lomonosov, published at the Moscow University on the instructions and with the active participation of Shuvalov, under the portrait of Lomonosov were very symbolic words:"The temple of nature opened with a rich word Rossov example of their sharpness in the sciences of Lomonosov." It is generally recognized that Shuvalov actively supported the scientist in the struggle for the reorganization of the Academy of Sciences, against the heads of the academic chancellery I.-D. Schumacher and I. I. Taubert. Lomonosov and Shuvalov gave this struggle a sharp political sound, seeing in it resistance to the dominance of foreigners .31 There is no need to idealize the relationship between Shuvalov and Lomonosov: the insurmountable barrier of social origin, the disparate position of each of them in society, significant differences in views - all this separated them.
Shuvalov did support Lomonosov at the Academy and influence the Academy's president, Konstantin Razumovsky, but he was very careful. He clearly did not want to be drawn into the open struggle of Lomonosov and other scientists with the academic chancellery headed by I. - D. Schumacher, as well as with the Razumovskys ' close adviser to the academic chancellery, G. P. Teplov. Shuvalov may have feared that taking part in this struggle might affect his position at court. And the preservation of power and influence remained the most important goal of the enlightened favorite. Lomonosov also had to pay for Shuvalov's patronage. Typical in this sense is the history of the controversy surrounding the satire of the poet I. P. Elagin "On Petimeter and Coquettes", which appeared in the early 50s of the XVIII century. From the correspondence between Shuvalov and Lomonosov, it is clear that Shuvalov, taking the satire about the goldfinch at his own expense, suggested that Lomonosov publicly respond to Elagin's attack. Lomonosov initially tried to evade the open defense of "petimetry" (a symbol of frivolity, panache and gallomania), but then he was still forced to write a poetic response to Elagin, presenting "petimetry" as an innocent prank of young people standing on the threshold of a serious career. The publication of this poem, the author of which defended the condemned vice, led to rude attacks by literary opponents against Lomonosov and his students .32
28 Grot Ya. K. Trudy, Vol. 3. SPb. 1901, pp. 14-15.
29 Bilyarsky P. S. Materialy dlya biografii Lomonosov [Materials for the biography of Lomonosov]. SPb. 1865, p. 355.
30 Pekarsky P. Istoriya Akademii nauk v Peterburgu [History of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg]. Vol. 2. SPb. 1873, pp. 505-512.
31 Lomonosov M. V. Poln. sobr. soch. T. 8. Moscow-L. 1959, pp. 214, 217, 226.
32 Berkov P. N. Uk. soch., pp. 125-136.
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Shuvalov did not always take into account Lomonosov's ego and his life principles. Shuvalov was not averse, for fun, to play on the weaknesses of Lomonosov, his quick temper. This is how Shuvalov's attempt to publicly reconcile two literary opponents, Lomonosov and Sumarokov, should be interpreted. After their quarrel on January 2, 1761, in Shuvalov's house, which seemed to the host and the guests present a "ridiculous scene", Lomonosov wrote a letter to his patron full of anger and offended dignity, which he ended with: "Your Excellency, having now had the opportunity to serve the fatherland by helping in the sciences, you can do better things than put me up with Sumarokov... Not only do I not want to be a fool at the table of great lords or with any earthly rulers, but I want to be lower with the Lord God himself, who gave me meaning until he takes it away. " 33
As you know, Lomonosov began to fight for the creation of the university immediately after returning from Germany in the early 40s of the XVIII century. He believed that the university that existed under the Academy of Sciences did not meet the principles of the European university system (it did not have faculties, regular classes, or privileges that ensured its autonomy), and demanded its transformation. However, the situation at the court and at the Academy did not favor Lomonosov's efforts. It was only with Shuvalov's help that things began to change for the better. It is from the beginning of the 50s of the XVIII century. Lomonosov resumed the interrupted struggle for the reorganization of the academic university and gymnasium and achieved in 1754 the convocation of a commission on the staff of the Academy and University.
Already after these events, the history of the university's formation in Moscow unfolds 34 . Shuvalov supported Lomonosov's efforts. The organization of the university in Moscow suited Shuvalov for two reasons: he wanted to avoid a clash (if the struggle for the reorganization of the academic university continued) with Teplov, who was backed by the Razumovskys; the creation of a higher educational institution in Moscow also corresponded to Shuvalov's views on the spread of education, primarily of the nobility. For the Russian nobility, Moscow still played a big role. Around it stretched the family estates, where noble youths grew up. However, the views of Lomonosov and Shuvalov on some principles of education differed significantly. If the structure of the university was adopted in accordance with Lomonosov's opinion, then the structure of the gymnasium was strongly influenced by the views of Shuvalov, who sought to assert certain advantages for noble children .35
While recognizing Lomonosov's outstanding role in the creation of Moscow State University, we should not forget about the corresponding efforts of Shuvalov. His correspondence shows that, as a curator of the university, Shuvalov did a lot for its formation. Selection of professors and students, conditions of their study and life, educational programs, gymnasium, printing house, budget, legal status of the university-here is a short list of university cases that Shuvalov 36 was engaged in . But even more important, Shuvalov accepted Lomonosov's views on the essence of the university system and consistently put them into practice. According to the scientist's plan and thanks to Shuvalov's efforts, a university was created in Moscow in accordance with the rules and customs adopted in Western Europe, the main meaning of which was to give the university the status of an autonomous institution from local authorities - a corporation protected by a system of privileges. Shuvalov achieved not only the recognition of the university's legal autonomy from secular and ecclesiastical authorities, but also its confirmation by the Senate, which undoubtedly helped to strengthen the university's status in the future. 37
The problem of art education also occupied Shuvalov. Immediately after the opening of the gymnasium at the university in Moscow, he wrote to its director A.M. Argamakov about the need to select the most capable students from raznochintsy
33 Lomonosov M. V. Poln. sobr. soch. T. 10. Moscow-L. 1957, p. 546.
34 Penchko N. A. Uk. soch.; Belyavsky M. T. Uk. soch.; et al.
35 Kulyabko E. S. Lomonosov "Regulations of Moscow gymnasiums" - Bulletin of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955, No. 5, pp. 60-61.
36 Dokumenty I materialy po istorii Moskovskogo universiteta vtoroi poloviny XVIII veka [Documents and materials on the history of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th century]. Vol. 1. Moscow, 1960, pp. 35-23
37 Ibid., p. 97; PSZ. T. XIV. M. 1830, N 10781.
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and to train them according to a special program, "so that they can be given here (i.e. in St. Petersburg ) to study the arts and make a start, so that in Moscow, with God's help, they can eventually start up"38 . He intended to study at the Academy of Sciences (in the Department of Arts) of Moscow high school students in order to then establish an art educational institution in Moscow. In 1756, four students of the gymnasium, among whom Vasily Bazhenov stood out, were sent to St. Petersburg to study. However, by the summer of 1757, Shuvalov's plans had changed, and he decided to create an Academy of Fine Arts in St. Petersburg. At Moscow State University, special art classes were organized, where future students of the Academy were intensively trained.
At the same time, through Russian diplomats, Shuvalov recruited foreign professors for the Academy - famous artists, sculptors and architects. On October 23, 1757, Shuvalov wrote about the foundation of the Academy as an already decided matter: "I am this class "( it was about the art class of the university gymnasium - E. A.), and I hope with the teacher to take it here to St. Petersburg at the end of this year, where the Academy of Arts will be founded. " 39 Shuvalov had every reason to be confident: on October 23, the Senate approved his "report" on the creation of the Academy of Arts. In the decree of the Senate, the idea was carried out: "It is necessary to establish an Academy of Arts, the fruits of which, when brought into condition, will not only be the glory of the local empire, but also a great benefit to state-owned and particular works, for which foreign mediocre knowledge, receiving great money, enriching themselves, return, leaving not a single Russian or Foreign artist behind. what kind of art that would know what to do " 40 .
Art historians highly appreciate the Shuvalov period of activity of the Academy of Arts (1757-1763) 41 . Shuvalov was rightly called its founder. He was able to establish training in a short time, which was entrusted to masters invited from abroad: sculptor N. Gillet, artist S. Torelli, architect V. Delamot, engraver G. Schmidt and others. Following the first steps of the Academy, Shuvalov delved into all the details of students ' studies and everyday life. He paid special attention to the creation of regulations and staff of the Academy, which were supposed to determine its structure and position among other state institutions. The regulations were based on identical documents of some European academies of arts, but Shuvalov's approach to their use was quite flexible: in the first place, he put the criterion of expediency, compliance of the Academy with the conditions of Russia.
In 1762, Mr .. Shuvalov wrote that as a result of generalizing the work of the Academy for several years "satisfied will start writing regulations, which for the most part the most perfect experience can be". In general, such a creative approach was typical for Shuvalov. In January of the same year, he reported to the Senate about the foundation of Moscow University: "Due to the lack of staff and regulations and the lack of decrees for all cases, especially on the news of the place, where I applied more effort to its foundation and dissemination than to such observation of the clerical order, it was impossible to do otherwise." 42 Shuvalov gave the Academy not only his well-chosen library, but also a collection of 104 paintings by Rembrandt, P. Rubens, A. Van Dyck, J. Tintoretto, P. Perugino, P. Veronese, N. Poussin and other masters.
Shuvalov had a flair for talented people. Neither the age nor the social background of candidates played a role in enrolling in the Academy. In April 1755, Shuvalov wrote to Argamakov about the principle of selecting high school students for art classes: "From the Raznochinskaya gymnasium... choose from poor but capable people " 43 . Shuvalov did the same later. Noteworthy is his memorial note to the Palace Chancellery (1761), which gave Russia one of the most outstanding artists in the world.-
38 Documents and materials on the history of Moscow University, p. 306.
39 Ibid., p. 93.
40 PSZ. T. XIV, N 10776.
41 Yaremich S. Uk. soch., p. 52; Zotov A. I. Academy of Arts of the USSR. Brief Essays, Moscow, 1960, p. 7.
42 I. I. Shuvalov's report to the Senate. - CHOIDR, 1859, book I, mixture, p. 70.
43 Documents and materials on the history of Moscow University, p. 306.
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among other sculptors: "The stoker Fedot Ivanov, son of Shubnaya, is located at the court of H. I. V., and his work in carving on bone and mother-of-pearl gives hope that in time he may become a skilled master in his art." Shuvalov asks for Shubin's admission to the Academy so that he can "be included in the content, where it is reliable that he can not spend time in vain and with the greatest success in his art." 44 In addition to Bazhenov and Shubin, graduates of the Academy were architect I. E. Starov, engraver E. P. Chemezov, sculptor F. G. Gordeev, artist A. P. Losenko - a galaxy of masters, without whom Russian art of the second half of the XVIII century is now impossible to imagine.
The establishment of the Moscow University and the Academy of Arts was just the beginning. Shuvalov intended to put a solid foundation under the system of higher education institutions - provincial gymnasiums and schools. It is possible that (as in the case of Moscow University) the initiative to create a gymnasium system belonged to Lomonosov, and the implementation of plans was started by Shuvalov. In November 1760, Shuvalov submitted a draft to the Senate, which proposed " to establish gymnasiums in noble cities that would teach the necessary European languages and first foundations, and in small towns to establish schools that would teach Russian grammar, arithmetic and other first foundations, and from these schools they would go to gymnasiums, and from high schools to the Cadet Corps, to the Academy and to the University, and from these three places to active service." Hence, the idea becomes clear: to create a single continuous education system, which was supposed to provide the country with specialists. Apparently, the project was preliminary in nature. The Senate recommended that Shuvalov compose "okuratnye states" and for this purpose request the Academy of Sciences, which was soon implemented. However, then the work slowed down, and it remained unfinished 45 .
Shuvalov's plans for the development of the education system in Russia were part of the overall program of expected changes. The program was developed by Shuvalov around the second half of the 50s-early 60s of the XVIII century. and is reflected in the surviving draft decrees of the Senate and a memorial note addressed to Elizabeth Petrovna. These documents represent a curious example of the development of the noble thought of that era. In the project addressed to the Empress, Shuvalov notes the widespread "wrongdoing, attacks, robberies and ravages" committed by the authorities. "A great reason for this ignorance," he explains , "is that he does not know directly his position to the sovereign, to the state, to the common good and love for one's neighbor." 46 Shuvalov's views reflect many propositions characteristic of 18th-century journalism. The main evil is the violation of laws that are" holy and useful, " in Shuvalov's terminology. Approximately in the same vein, Peter's legal thought developed. Strictly observe the issued state laws and mercilessly pursue their violators - only in this way, according to the theorists of the "regular state", can the desired" common good " be achieved, which was understood differently in relation to each class and was determined by social principles.
In practice, there was an obstacle, which consisted in the absence of such universal laws, the strict implementation of which was supposed to ensure the "common good". The legislator's mind was focused on their creation. That is why the eighteenth-century legislator turns to the Conciliar Code of 1649, seeing it as a prototype of the universal code and seeking to rework it in accordance with the spirit of the times. Shuvalov considered it necessary to resume the development of the new Code and put it into effect, seeing in this a real way to eliminate shortcomings and "stop snitching". In addition, he suggested " collecting all the decrees and intentions... Peter the Great, left without action", and, having considered them "according to the circumstances, to put other things into action, to submit other necessary cases to the report". It was in this analysis of Peter I's legislative initiatives that Shuvalov saw continuity
44 Yaremich S. Uk. soch., p. 57.
45 Lomonosov M. V. Poln. sobr. soch. T. 9. Moscow-L. 1955, pp. 570-571, 902-904; Pekarsky P. Istoriya Akademii nauk v Peterburg [History of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg]. Vol. I. SPb. 1870, p. 629; PSZ. Vol. XV. Moscow, 1830, N 11144.
46 Russian Archive, 1867, N 1, stb. 75.
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your own endeavors. He did not stop there and proposed a number of measures to improve the functioning of the state machine, finance, navy, industry, etc. 47 .
Perhaps Lomonosov was familiar with Shuvalov's ideas about "correction". Apparently, it was not by chance that he submitted to Shuvalov on November 1, 1761, a letter-note "On the preservation and reproduction of the Russian people", in the preface to which he listed several more topics that he intended to develop. They cover various aspects of life and are intended "in the hope that there may be something in them that will serve the real improvement of the Russian light" 48 . Shuvalov's proposals are not fundamentally new. But in one part of his memorial to the queen, there are ideas and suggestions, the uniqueness and novelty of which are obvious. Shuvalov suggested that the Empress establish special "fundamental and indispensable laws", thanks to the introduction of which "the very benefit and well-being of V. I. V. subjects are made indispensable." Shuvalov's " fundamental and indispensable laws "are a cast of Montesquieu's" basic laws", modified in relation to the conditions of Russia. Ultimately, like Montesquieu, these Shuvalov laws are designed to limit autocratic power. According to Shuvalov's project, Elizaveta Petrovna was to "assure and promise before God, both for herself and for her heirs, that the following laws should be sacredly and inviolably preserved and maintained, and command all loyal subjects, as true children of the fatherland, in all cases to observe their steadfastness and non-violation, and in this case to take an oath" 49.
The restrictive tendencies of Shuvalov's proposal are obvious: the empress must swear to observe the laws, and the subjects must observe their observance. What is the essence of the laws themselves? The Empress was obliged to "confirm the autocratic power and the oath that all the sovereigns of the Russian throne, and their wives, and children, and men, and women, were of the Greek Orthodox law" and all Russians "will remain in this law permanently, forever." Then Shuvalov suggests introducing a kind of quota for the number of foreign service personnel. All senators, presidents of colleges, and governors should be exclusively Russian; two-thirds of the generals and officers ' corps should be Russian. In replacing the remaining third of the posts, the advantage was given to Livlanders and Estlanders-subjects of Russia .50 These provisions of the draft were inspired by the political situation in Russia, which developed during the years of domination of foreign temporary workers under Anna Ivanovna in the state apparatus and army, which caused discontent among wide sections of the Russian nobility. The goal of the Shuvalov project is to prevent such a situation in the future.
The" children of the fatherland "who must observe the" steadfastness " of the laws are the nobility. Shuvalov takes care of his interests first of all. Although there is a point about merchants and peasants in the draft, they do not appear as a political force. It is intended only to "make a review of them and try to make their condition more useful to the fatherland and themselves." But the nobility receives, according to the project of Shuvalov, the most important privileges. According to Shuvalov, the total service life of nobles should be limited to 26 years. By proposing this measure, he met the demands of the nobles, who had long sought to facilitate their service. The following points of the draft are of interest: "13. The nobility who have fallen into a crime (only by confiscation) actually acquired their own estate, and not the family one"; "14. Release the nobility from dishonorable political execution" 51 . So consistently and directly no one expressed the social and political claims of the nobility before Shuvalov. And yet there were prerequisites for such claims, and they were not unexpected, because they reflected the strengthening of the position of the nobility in the country.
By the time of Elizabeth Petrovna, the nobility firmly held the main land wealth in their hands, had the right to exploit serfs, and increased the volume of land ownership.
47 Ibid., stb. 79-82.
48 Lomonosov M. V. Poln. sobr. soch. T. 6. Moscow-L. 1952, pp. 379, 383, 597.
49 Papers of I. I. Shuvalov. - Russian Archive, 1867, N 1, stb. 84.
50 Ibid., stb. 83-86.
51 Ibid., stb. 85.
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their duties 52 . It also intervened powerfully in the commercial and industrial sphere of the country's life, seeking to join this source of income. Together with the increasing role of the nobility as the support of the autocracy, the aspirations of the upper nobility to have a greater influence in the political life of the state, to free themselves from the painful life-long service, grew. The autocracy met the demands of the nobility. The Code Commission prepared the legislative basis for those reforms in the status of the nobility that were adopted under Peter III and especially under Catherine II and became the apotheosis of noble liberties. However, the supreme power never decided to introduce those "indispensable and fundamental laws" that Shuvalov wrote about in the second half of the 50s of the XVIII century. One thing is certain: Shuvalov's unrealized plans show that he was a consistent defender of the rights of the nobility, which he sought to expand. In the project of Shuvalov, as in general in his activity at that time, a peculiar refraction of the ideas of the Western Enlightenment in the Russian noble consciousness of the middle of the XVIII century is noticeable, which was aimed at strengthening the order of the noble empire.
With the death of Elizabeth on December 25, 1761, the "time of Shuvalov" ended: he no longer played any role in state affairs. Catherine II did not object when he went abroad. Shuvalov spent almost 14 years in Paris, Vienna, Rome, and lived in Fernier with Voltaire. After Shuvalov's departure, news began to come to Russia about his wide popularity in the literary salons of Paris. His excellent knowledge of French culture and natural intelligence attracted to him the most prominent writers and philosophers - Voltaire, d'Alembert, de Genlis and others. It seems that we can agree with the opinion of N. Golitsyn, who called Shuvalov "the Russian ambassador to the European literary power" 53 . Catherine II could not ignore this and tried to strengthen her reputation as an "enlightened monarch" through Shuvalov. During the years of de facto exile, Shuvalov did not forget either his homeland or his brainchild - the Academy of Fine Arts, where he sent works of art purchased in Italy. Returning to Russia in 1777, Shuvalov, as the chief chamberlain, tried to get closer to Catherine. But the tsarina kept him away from the court, not hiding her irritation, which arose "due to the popularity that I. I. Shuvalov acquired among European scientists and writers."54 After the creation of the Russian Academy-the center for the Study of the Russian Language, Shuvalov became a member of it, but did not leave a noticeable mark in linguistics .55 The 35 years that Shuvalov lived after 1761 cannot be compared with the period of the 50s and early 60s of the XVIII century, marked by his most fruitful activity.
52 Preobrazhensky A. A. On the evolution of the class-estate system in Russia. In: Society and the State of Feudal Russia, Moscow, 1975, p. 71 sl.
53 Golitsyn N. Ivan Ivanovich Shuvalov, p. 262.
54 Ibid.
55 Sukhomlinov M. I. Istoriya Rossiiskoi akademii [History of the Russian Academy]. Issue 7. St. Petersburg, 1885, pp. 93-99.
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