Libmonster ID: KG-1297
Author(s) of the publication: A. K. VOROBYOVA

The works of the founders of scientific communism on Russia, their correspondence with Russian political and public figures, memoirs, articles and letters of Russian contemporaries about Marx and Engels1 allow us to trace their attitude to Russia, its historical destinies and future with sufficient completeness. Marx and Engels invariably distinguished between two Russias: the official-tsarist and progressive - country "a great and highly gifted people " 2, which nominated N. G. Chernyshevsky and N. A. Dobrolyubov. Marx and Engels showed the deepest sympathy and solidarity for advanced Russia, and they fully supported its revolutionary movement. And this was deeply felt not only by those of its participants who were in exile, but also by those who continued their underground work in Russia itself. "Engels loved the Russian people as much as he hated the Russian government, and he knew Russia and the Russian language, "wrote the illegal revolutionary newspaper Russkiy Rabochy in August 1895 on the occasion of his death. Another obituary said: "We Russians cannot but remember with gratitude his warm sympathy for the Russian revolutionary movement and his interest in everything Russian." 3
V. I. Lenin revealed the relationship of Marx and Engels to Russia with the greatest depth 4 . In the article "Friedrich Engels", he emphasized the vital interest of Marx and Engels in Russia, their knowledge of the Russian language, and the international significance of the struggle they waged against tsarism. V. I. Lenin called Engels the best friend of the Russian revolutionaries .5 V. I. Lenin turned to the topic of the connection of the founders of Marxism with revolutionary Russia many times in the future. In 1907, in the preface to the Russian translation of the book " Letters of I. F. Becker, I. Dietzgen, F. Engels, K. Marx and others to F. A. Sorge and others." Lenin made a very important generalization: "Marx and Engels were full of the most radiant faith in the Russian revolution and in its mighty world significance. For almost twenty years, we have seen in this correspondence this passionate expectation of a revolution in Russia. " 6 In this, as in many other utterances of V. I. Lenin, the true meaning of the growing interest of the founders of the Russian state is revealed.-

1 See K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia, Moscow, 1967; Russian Contemporaries on K. Marx and F. Engels. Engels", Moscow, 1969.

2 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 39, p. 129.

3 "Russian Contemporaries on K. Marx and F. Kropotkin". Engels", p. 285.

4 See N. K. Krupskaya. About Lenin. Collection of articles, Moscow, 1960, p. 305; L. A. Levin. The works of Karl Marx and Fr. Engels in the literary heritage of V. I. Lenin, Moscow, 1964.

5 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 2, p. 6.

6 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 15, p. 247.

page 3
The approach of Marxism to Russia is to elucidate the prerequisites, character and prospects of the Russian revolution and its interrelation with the liberation struggle of the international proletariat.

The question of Marx's and Engels ' relations with Russia occupies a significant place in modern Soviet literature. It is covered in their scientific biographies; books, pamphlets and articles have appeared about individual Russian correspondents of Marx and Engels, about the views of the founders of Marxism on the Russian revolution, about the dissemination and study of the works of Marx and Engels in our country7 . Engels ' connections with revolutionary Russia are also touched upon in these works to one degree or another. However, this topic has not yet become the subject of a special study. In our opinion, the last 12 years of Engels ' life and activity have been most poorly studied in this regard. This article attempts to give a general overview of Engels ' relations with the Russian revolutionary movement, to highlight his views on the Russian revolution, its character and prospects.

Representatives of all three generations of Russian revolutionaries passed before Engels ' eyes. He was familiar with some of them from their works, corresponded with many of them and met them personally, especially since the 70s.

His first contacts with representatives of the noble generation of Russian revolutionaries and the intelligentsia opposed to tsarism date back to the 1940s. They relate to the period of Engels ' stay in Paris at the end of August and beginning of September 1844, when his historic meeting with Marx took place. Among Marx's Paris acquaintances at that time was the writer V. P. Botkin, who was close to the circle of V. G. Belinsky, and in his article "German Literature" published in Otechestvennye Zapiski in 1843, gave an exposition, and in some places a literal translation, of Engels ' pamphlet "Schelling and Revelation" .8 Engels also became better acquainted with M. A. Bakunin here .9 Engels reported on his impressions of the Paris meetings with Russian figures in the correspondence "Continental Socialism", published in the organ of the English socialist-Owenists "The New Moral World" on October 5, 1844: "We have made great progress among the Russians in Paris" 10 . In the 1940s, Engels also met with the writer P. V. Annenkov .11 But the enthusiasm of the young Russian nobles for communist ideas was not strong and long-lasting, and they, as Marx later said, "should not be overestimated" 12. Some of Marx's and Engels 'Russian acquaintances soon abandoned the" delusions of youth." Others, like Bakunin, who remained in exile, took part in the European revolutionary movement , and even translated the works of the founders of Marxism into Russian, 13 nevertheless did not understand the essence and significance of scientific socialism. Joining the First International in 1868, Bakunin and his supporters set out to impose their own sectarian views on the organization.

7 " K. Marx. Biografiya". Moscow, 1968; " F. Engels. Biography", Moscow, 1970; S. S. Volk. Karl Marx and the Russian Public Figures, L. 1969; " The Literary Legacy of Karl Marx and Fr. Engels. History of publication and study in the USSR", Moscow, 1969.

8 See K. Marx and F. Engels. From early Works, Moscow, 1956; Otechestvennye Zapiski, 1843, vol. XXVI.

9 Engels first met Bakunin and four or five other Russians in Berlin in 1841-1842, when, in his spare time from military service, he attended lectures at the University of Berlin as a free listener (see K. Marx and F. Schulz). Engels, Soch. Vol. 37, p. 246).

10 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. II (1st ed.), p. 417.

11 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", pp. 41-42.

12 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 32, p. 472.

13 In 1869, Bakunin made the first Russian translation of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, allowing for some distortions of the original.

page 4
dogmas, split the international labor movement. Marx and Engels, having severed all relations with Bakunin, waged the most decisive struggle against anarchism, which was of great importance both for the international and for the Russian revolutionary movement.

An important addition to the relatively scanty information about Marx and Engels 'connections with Russian progressives in the 1940s are recently discovered documents, in particular Engels' letter to the editorial office of the Chartist newspaper The Northern Star and a number of his correspondence published in it in May-June 1844 .14 In one of them, Engels appears as a passionate fighter against reaction in Russia. He denounces the despotism of Nicholas I, especially for his harsh policy towards the oppressed peoples of Russia, such as the Poles .15 This is evidence of Engels ' desire to become more familiar with the problems of Russia's internal life already in the 1940s, and not since the late 1950s, as is usually portrayed in the literature. He actively studied the Russian language [16] and by 1854, by his own admission, he understood it so well that he could read scientific and fiction literature [17].

In the first half of the 1950s, Engels focused on the problems of tsarist Russia's foreign policy and diplomacy in connection with the" Eastern question " and the Crimean War. Together with Marx, he directed the proletariat and the democratic forces of Europe to use the situation in order to change the character of this unjust, aggressive war and turn it into a revolutionary one. Reflecting on the possible consequences of such a war for Russia, Engels wrote in 1853 that "a noble-bourgeois revolution in St. Petersburg, followed by a civil war within the country, is quite possible." 18 His hopes for a revolutionary turn of events in the event of a military defeat of tsardom attest to the close attention with which he followed the struggle of the advanced forces of Russia against tsardom. It was at this time that Engels showed great interest in A. I. Herzen. In 1853, he read his work On the Development of Revolutionary Ideas in Russia, which stated that antagonism between the nobles and the peasantry would inevitably "lead to a social revolution."19 Engels was also familiar with Herzen's anti-serfdom proclamation " St. George's Day! St. George's Day!", printed in the "Free Russian Printing House". In 1854, when Herzen's book Prison and Exile (the second part of Past and Doom) was published in London, Engels used it to improve his knowledge of the Russian language .20 At the same time, Engels was also aware of such works by Herzen, which showed his hesitation towards liberalism and developed ideas about the renewal of old Europe through the Russian community - ideas that were perceived by the founders of scientific socialism as a manifestation of democratic pan-Slavism. Engels shared Marx's wariness of Herzen also because of the latter's proximity to the petty-bourgeois emigrant circles hostile to the proletarian revolutionaries. But despite this, they paid tribute to the publisher-

14 See J. A. Bach. About the authorship of some anonymous articles in The Northern Star for 1844 "Scientific and informational bulletin of the Sector of works of Karl Marx and Franz Liszt". Engels IML under the Central Committee of the CPSU". 1970, N 18. The newly discovered articles by Engels will be included in the 42nd volume of the second edition of the Works of Karl Marx and Franz Liszt. Engels.

15 "The Northern Star", 25.V.1844.

16 W. N. Kotow. Das Studium der russischen Sprache durch Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels. "Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung", 1968, N 4.

17 See L. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 28, pp. 30, 509.

18 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 28, p. 487.

19 A. I. Herzen. Collected Works Vol. VII, Moscow, 1956, p. 169.

20 Later, Marx also studied Russian using the same copy (CPA IML, f. 1, op. 1, ed. hr. 897).

page 5
the great Russian revolutionary-democrat's journalistic activity directed against tsarism and serfdom, and his role in the propaganda of revolutionary ideas in Russia.

At the turn of the 1950s and 60s, Engels ' interest in Russia increased significantly due to the brewing social and political crisis in it, which worsened after the defeat of tsarism in the Crimean War. Engels ' special attention was drawn to the peasant unrest. "Russian history is going very well. Now there are riots there and in the south, " 22 he wrote to Marx on October 21, 1858. He asked his great friend to send him Russian emigrant literature, especially Herzen's editions of Voices from Russia and Kolokol, which contained information about the situation in Russia. 23 Engels knew about the ferment among students and intellectuals. He considered the aggravation of the social struggle in Russia as the first sign of a new revolutionary upsurge in the countries of the European continent. In his article "Europe in 1858," which was highly praised by Marx24 , Engels emphasized that " of all the nations of Europe, Russia was the first to awaken from the Cold War ...political lethargy " 25, into which European society fell after the defeat of the revolution of 1848-1849. In their exchange of views on the peasant movement in Russia, Marx and Engels referred to it as "the greatest events in the world." 26 The broad scope of the peasants ' struggle against the landlords allowed them to talk about the possibility of an "agrarian revolution within the country", that "the movement is developing faster in Russia than in the rest of Europe"27.They saw in the Russian peasants a force capable of becoming an ally of the Western European proletariat. Engels wrote so: "We got an ally in the face of Russian serfs"28 . And although the revolutionary situation in Russia, which Marx and Engels had noticed, did not develop into a revolution, the leaders of the proletariat's conviction of its inevitability and their belief in the enormous revolutionary potentials of the Russian people were not shaken, but, on the contrary, increased as they delved deeper and deeper into the socio-economic life of Russia. Engels was most interested in the social conditions that developed in the country after the reform. In 1868, he read P. F. Lilienfeld's book "Land and Freedom" (St. Petersburg, 1868) and, analyzing its materials, came to the conclusion that the disintegration of communal orders had begun, that " exchange value had already penetrated too deeply into these primitive communities so that after the abolition of serfdom they could still survive"29 . An important role in Engels 'study of post-reform relations was also played by N. Flerovsky's (V. V. Bervey) book" The Situation of the Working Class in Russia " (St. Petersburg, 1869), the content of which was repeatedly touched upon in February - July 1870 in his correspondence with Marx. On his arrival in London in September 1870. Engels probably studied this work from a copy of Marx, 30 using it as material for a pamphlet on the Bakunin " Alliance "and articles on"Emigrant Literature."

But Engels read with particular interest, of course, the scientific and journalistic works of the Russian revolutionary democrats, and above all-

22 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 29, p. 297.

23 See ibid., pp. 297-298.

24 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 29, p. 303.

25 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 12, p. 672.

26 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 30, p. 4.

27 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 29, pp. 471, 425.

28 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 13, p. 635.

29 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. cit. Vol. 32, p. 92. While taking notes on the correspondence between Marx and Engels, V. I. Lenin noted this observation of Engels: "The penetration of exchange value into the Russian community" (V. I. Lenin. Synopsis of the correspondence between Marx and Engels, Moscow, 1968, p. 69).

30 CP IML, f. 1, op. 1, units of hr. 2576.

page 6
In the first half of the 70s, he probably got acquainted with the works of Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov from the copies available in the Marx Library. Among others, he was well aware of Chernyshevsky's work "Letters without an Address", which contained criticism of the reform of 1861. He read the magazine Sovremennik, which first introduced the Russian reader to his work "The Situation of the Working Class in England". Engels highly valued Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov .31 He treated Chernyshevsky's socialist ideas with great understanding and respect, while noting the utopianism of his views, in particular on the peasant community as a means of Russia's transition to socialism. In May - June 1873, while working on the pamphlet "The Alliance of Socialist Democracy and the International Workers 'Association", Engels specifically studied Chernyshevsky's role in the Russian social movement of the 60s, and even then became convinced that Chernyshevsky was the real "ideological inspirer" of the educated and socialist-minded youth .32 As the "head of the revolutionary party," Engels emphasized, a whole phalanx of publicists and students gathered around him. Engels studied Russian materials33 about the machinations of Nechaev and Bakunin among the student youth and revealed the complete failure of their attacks against Chernyshevsky, exposed their slander of "the man who did most in Russia to get involved in the socialist movement... for young students " 34 . Engels continued to be interested in the fate of the great Russian thinker and revolutionary, "to whom Russia owes infinitely much and whose slow murder by long exile among the Siberian Yakuts will forever remain a shameful stain on the memory of Alexander II the Liberator." 35
In the 70s, the Russian revolutionary movement was greatly influenced by the activities of the First International. It was among the followers and students of Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov that the desire to establish ties with the International and its leaders was first identified. Engels, while still in Manchester, learned from Marx in February 1870 that in Geneva a group of Russian revolutionary emigrants had formed the Russian Section of the International. On March 24, Marx informed Engels in detail about the admission of this section to the International, as well as about his consent to become its representative in the General Council. Of the members of the Russian Section, Engels had the most intimate relations with N. A. Tolstoy. Utin, whom he met at the London Conference of the First International in September 1871. Utin then came out in support of Engels 'speech on the political action of the working class, strongly denouncing the anarchists as" preachers of abstinence from politics. " 36 Engels highly appreciated the participation of Russian revolutionaries, students and followers of Chernyshevsky in the international labor movement. That's what he had in mind when he wrote: "Among the younger generation of Russians, we know people of outstanding theoretical and practical talent and great energy", among them "there are people who, in their talents and character, undoubtedly belong to the best people of our party; guys who have self-control, firmness of character and at the same time theoretical understanding are simply amazing"37 .

31 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 18, p. 522.

32 See ibid., p. 389.

33 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 33, p. 65.

34 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 18, p. 396.

35 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 22, p. 441.

36 "London Conference of the First International", Moscow, 1936, p. 61.

37 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. vol. 18, p. 522; vol. 33, p. 411.

page 7
Shortly after his arrival in London, Engels met G. A. Lopatin, who, on behalf of a group of St. Petersburg revolutionary youth, had come to England to begin translating the First volume of Das Kapital into Russian under Marx's guidance. At Marx's suggestion, Lopatin was elected to the General Council of the International. He became as close a friend to Engels as he was to Marx. Engels closely followed Lopatin's revolutionary activities in Russia. He was anxiously awaiting news of him when he attempted to arrange the escape of N. G. Chernyshevsky from Siberian exile. Lopatin thoroughly informed the leaders of the proletariat about the state of the Russian revolutionary movement .38 Engels ' correspondence with Lopatin, unfortunately, has hardly been preserved. Lopatin's letters to P. L. Lavrov39 shed additional light on the relationship between Engels and Lopatin, and on their deep mutual sympathies.

Engels also developed friendly relations with P. L. Lavrov, one of the ideologists of the revolutionary populism of the 70s. In 1870, Lavrov lived in Paris, where he joined the International. At the beginning of May 1871, on behalf of the Paris Commune, he came to London to establish contacts with the General Council of the International, and in July and August he was present several times as a guest at its meetings .40 At this time, he became acquainted with Marx and Engels and started a correspondence with them. They appreciated in Lavrov a convinced revolutionary, a deep sociologist, a bright publicist. Engels knew of Lavrov's great authority among Russian revolutionaries, presented him with his works, often accompanying them with friendly dedications, and willingly assisted him in acquiring the necessary literature. In the summer of 1872, through Lavrov, Marx and Engels met a progressive Ukrainian scientist and political figure, S. A. Podolinsky, who also met them during the Hague Congress .41 Lavrov, in turn, highly valued Engels ' scientific authority, and repeatedly sent him his works for review .42 Engels ' closest ties with Lavrov date back to the mid-70s, when the latter was editor of the magazine Vperyod (1873-1877) and the newspaper of the same name (1875-1877). These publications widely covered the international labor movement and published reviews of the works of the founders of Marxism. Marx and Engels were regular readers of the newspaper and magazine "Vperyod", regularly receiving them from P. L. Lavrov. Their attention was particularly drawn to the "What is happening at Home" section, which published detailed reports from Russia. At the same time, Engels also met other editors and employees of Vperyod: V. N. Smirnov, D. I. Richter, and N. G. Kulyabko-Koretsky .43
However, while maintaining friendly relations with Lavrov and paying tribute to his scientific erudition, Engels, like Marx, did not close his eyes.-

38 Of great interest in this respect is Lopatin's letter to Engels of November 23, 1878, written by him after a four-month stay in Russia. In it, he reported on the shift that was emerging among some of the Russian Narodniks in the direction of recognizing the importance of political struggle. "K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia", pp. 353-354.

39 Some of these letters are published in the collection "Russian Contemporaries on Karl Marx and Fr. Engels".

40 See " Minutes of the General Council of the First International. 1870-1871. Moscow, 1965, pp. 166, 170, 173.

41 "K. Marx, F. Engels and revolutionary Russia", p. 405; TSPA IML, f. 21, ed. chr. 56/2.

42 TSPA IML, f. 1, op. 4, ed. hr. 99. The TSPA IML contains a number of books by Lavrov with dedications to Marx and Engels.

43 See " Russian Contemporaries on Karl Marx and Fr. Engels", pp. 56-58.

page 8
for the eclecticism of his views, for his subjectivist views. In some cases, when the interests of the international labor movement demanded it, Engels publicly criticized Lavrov. This was also the case in connection with the appearance in Vperyod magazine of a disapproving review of the above-mentioned pamphlet" Alliance of Socialist Democracy and the International Workers 'Association", written mainly by Marx and Engels and published by decision of the Hague Congress of the First International. Lavrov's magazine spoke out against open polemics with Bakuninists and public disclosures of their subversive activities. In an article published in the Volksstaat newspaper in October 1874 (the third article in the Emigrant Literature series), Engels revealed the fallacy of Lavrov's position and the harm of his political tactics, which were ready to come to an agreement with the anarchists. At the same time, Engels supported Lavrov in his polemic with P. N. Tkachev on the tasks of revolutionary propaganda in Russia. Engels contrasted Lavrov's serious attitude to preparing a revolution through socialist propaganda with Tkachev's" childish "understanding of the revolution, who declared that a revolution can be made at" any moment", because"the people are always ready for revolution". Engels ' speech received the approval of Russian revolutionaries, including Lopatin. "As far as I am concerned,"he wrote to Engels on October 15, 1874," I have read the articles with great interest and must acknowledge the correctness of your argument. " 44 Later (in 1878), Lopatin showed a keen interest in Engels ' articles directed against Duhring, who enjoyed considerable influence among the Narodniks. Lopatin asked Engels to send him two copies of these articles, one to send to his socialist friends in Russia, who, as he wrote, "sometimes manage to put together things that are completely incompatible, and make a general mixture (though very strong and very revolutionary) of Proudhon, Marx, and others." Only on the grounds that all three of them are in extreme opposition and that their works are more or less prohibited and persecuted in Russia. " 45
When assessing revolutionary narodism, Marx and Engels proceeded from its objective content, considering it as a revolutionary bourgeois-democratic movement, seeing in it a possible ally of the Western European proletariat. Formation of Narodnaya Volya in 1879 Engels noted it as an important event; he believed that in its person Russia had "a revolutionary party with an unheard-of capacity for self-sacrifice and energy."46 In 1880-1882. Engels maintained correspondence and personal contacts with one of the leaders of Narodnaya Volya, L. Hartmann, and somewhat later with S. M. Kravchinsky (Stepnyak). Contacts with revolutionary emigrants and information about the actions of the Narodniks obtained from the Russian illegal press reinforced Engels 'conclusion that Russia was fraught with" events of the greatest significance for the future not only of the Russian workers, but of the workers of all Europe. " 47
Engels 'views on the Russian revolution, which completely coincided with Marx's, are set forth in a number of articles written in the second half of the 70s in connection with the Russo-Turkish war and published in the workers' and socialist press of Europe and America, as well as in letters to the leaders of the socialist movement in different countries. Your most complete understanding of social relations and perspectives

44 "K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia", p. 313.

45 Ibid., p. 346.

46 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 34, p. 357.

47 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 19, p. 143.

page 9
Engels described the revolutions in Russia in the fifth article in the Emigrant Literature series, published by the Volksstaat in April 1875 and published at the same time in a separate pamphlet entitled "On the Social Question in Russia." The reason for it, as for the previous article from the same series, was two pamphlets by Tkachev: "Tasks of revolutionary propaganda in Russia. Letter to the editor of Vperyod (London. 1874) and " An Open Letter to Friedrich Engels "(published at the same time in Zurich in German). According to Engels, these pamphlets gave "a completely wrong idea of the state of affairs in Russia." 48 He showed the complete inconsistency of Tkachev's concept and outlined Marxist views on the fundamental problems of the country's social development.

"On the Social Question in Russia" is Engels ' first generalizing work on Russia. It is notable not only for its deep understanding of social relations, but also for the conclusions drawn from their analysis, which are important for Marxist theory as a whole. V. I. Lenin considered this work to be one of the most valuable works on the economic development of Russia .49 Engels analyzed the situation of various strata of Russian society and, above all, its main antagonistic classes - the peasants and nobles. On the basis of data on land ownership, he showed the deep fallacy of Tkachev's judgments about the autocratic state as a" hanging in the air " supra-class force. It was this state, Engels emphasized, that "took away from the peasants and gave the nobles not only more land, but also better land, and the peasants were forced to pay the nobility for their worst land at the price of the best"50 ; it bore the peasants the brunt of the land tax, from which the nobility is almost exempt. Engels also noted the emergence of new exploiters born of the penetration of capitalism into the countryside-usurers, grain merchants, and speculators of various kinds. "There is no other country in which, with all the primitive savagery of bourgeois society,"he wrote," capitalist parasitism is so developed as in Russia." Engels also showed the growing influence of the big bourgeoisie, which had developed "with unprecedented rapidity during the last ten years, especially thanks to the construction of railways", and its interest in preserving the autocracy. Thus, he pointed out, "not only the Russian state in general, but even its specific form, tsarist despotism, does not hang in the air at all, but is a necessary and logical product of Russian social conditions."51
Engels also convincingly revealed the inconsistency of another narodnik doctrine - that of the special role of the peasant community, through which, as the Narodniks believed, the Russian people would make the transition to socialism, bypassing capitalism. He showed that communal land ownership is not an exclusively Russian phenomenon: it is one of the oldest social institutions peculiar to all peoples at a certain stage of development. The development of capitalism in the country, Engels pointed out, would inevitably lead to the destruction of communal land ownership, just as it did in Western Europe. "Communal property in Russia," he concluded, "has long since passed the time of its heyday and is apparently heading for its disintegration. 52 Admitting, in principle, that-

48 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 18, p. 527.

49 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 2, p. 12.

50 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 18, pp. 538-539.

51 Ibid., pp. 540, 544.

52 Ibid., p. 545.

page 10
the possibility of the transition of the Russian community to a higher, socialist form, without an intermediate stage of bourgeois parcel ownership, if only the community persists until the necessary conditions for such a transition are ripe, Engels emphasized that "this can only happen if in Western Europe, even before the final disintegration of this communal property, there is a complete transformation of the Russian community." a victorious proletarian revolution that will provide the Russian peasant with the necessary conditions for such a transition - in particular, the material resources that he will need to carry out the necessary revolution in his entire agricultural system. " 53
Comparing the situation in different countries, Engels expressed the conviction that Russia, which was experiencing a revolutionary situation in the late 70s and early 80s, is closer to revolution than any of the European countries. Here "all the elements of the Russian year 1789 are present, which will inevitably be followed by 1793..., the Russian revolution is already ripe and will break out soon ..." 54 . This conclusion was based on an analysis of the situation that developed in Russia at the turn of the 70s and 80s: "The great Act of Liberation, praised and glorified in every way by the liberal press of Europe, created nothing more than a solid foundation and an absolute necessity for the future revolution." 55 Like Marx, Engels had in mind a democratic people's revolution, predominantly peasant, directed against tsarism and the remnants of semi-feudal relations in the country. At the same time, he considered the Russian revolution as an integral part of the pan-European revolutionary process. Engels linked its victory and further development with the struggle of the Western European proletariat. Through this interaction, Marx and Engels believed, the Russian Revolution would inevitably lead, "perhaps after a long and bitter struggle, to the creation of the Russian Commune." 56 The victory of the Russian Revolution will bring about such profound changes on the entire European continent that, as Engels wrote in 1877, "the workers of all countries should welcome with joy as a giant step towards their common goal - the universal emancipation of labor."57
Engels especially emphasized the significance of the revolutionary events in Russia in the late 70s and early 80s for the German working class. More than once he drew the attention of the leaders of German Social-democracy to this point .58 On November 30, 1882, he wrote to Marx, referring to Bebel: "It is amazing that all these people cannot get used to the idea that the impetus must come from there. And I've explained it to him more than once." Engels recommended that Bebel and Liebknecht cover the situation in Russia and the struggle of the Russian revolutionaries more widely in the pages of the central organ of the Social-Democratic Party. In a letter to Bebel dated October 15, 1875, noting that Russia was a country that "should be most closely monitored", he advised to attract Russian-speaking journalists and give the Volksstaat material about Russia .59 A recently discovered letter from Engels to an English Democrat, Thomas Alsop, dated December 14, 1879, provides another explanation:

53 Ibid., p. 546.

54 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 19, p. 124.

55 Ibid., p. 144.

56 Ibid., p. 252.

57 Ibid., p. 146.

58 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 18, p. 567. For more information, see: H. Bartel. Zum Verhaltnis der deutschen Sozialdemokratie zur revolutionaren Bewegung Russland in der achtziger Jabren des 19.Jahrhunderts. "Marxismus und deutsche Arbeiterbewegung".B. 1970.

59 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 35, p. 4. 99; see also vol. 34, pp. 130, 131.

page 11
It is an important testimony to the great international importance that Engels attached to the victory of the revolution in Russia .60 The Russian Revolution was a central theme in many of Engels ' conversations with leaders of the European socialist movement, as can be seen in a letter from the German social Democrat Fireck Liebknecht dated January 13, 1881. 61
In the 1980s, Marx and Engels were also interested in the activities and publications of a group of Chernopedeltsy who united around G. V. Plekhanov. At first, they were more critical of them than of Narodnaya Volya, because of their anarchist tendencies and their rejection of "all revolutionary and political activity." 62 At the same time, in an effort to unite the forces of the Russian revolutionaries to fight against the common enemy of Tsarism, Marx and Engels considered it important to support their common publications, in particular the Nihilist newspaper, which was to be published in London in 1880. 63 At the same time , they agreed to cooperate in a joint foreign publication of the Narodnaya Volya and Chernopedeltsy - "Russian Social and Revolutionary Library". It was supposed to publish a new Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party. The initiator of the whole enterprise and the translator of the Manifesto was G. V. Plekhanov. At his suggestion, in January 1882, Lavrov asked Marx and Engels to write a preface to the new edition of the Manifesto, recommending Plekhanov "as one of the most zealous" of his students .64 Having learned of Marx's illness, Plekhanov suggested that Lavrov ask Engels to write a preface, because "he is the same author of the Manifesto as Marx." 65 In January 1882, the preface signed by the founders of scientific socialism was received, and in the same year a new Russian edition of the Manifesto was published.

In their preface, Marx and Engels re-examined the question that had long worried Russian revolutionaries - the fate of the peasant community in Russia, and whether this now much-destroyed form of primitive common ownership of land could directly pass into a higher, communist form of ownership. On February 16, 1881, V. I. Zasulich addressed this question to Marx on behalf of a group of Russian emigrants in Switzerland. "If the Russian revolution serves as a signal for the proletarian revolution in the West, so that both of them complement each other,"the preface said," then modern Russian communal land ownership can be the starting point for communist development." At the same time, Marx and Engels noted the enormous historical changes that have taken place in the world since the first Russian edition of the Communist Manifesto (1869) and expressed themselves in the fact that capitalism has taken further steps not only in Western Europe, but also in Russia and the United States. They pointed to the growth of the Russian revolutionary movement as a primary factor in European political life. 66
The above-mentioned letter by V. I. Zasulich, the preface by G. V. Plekhanov to the second Russian edition of Manifesto and the very fact of its appearance, as well as information about contacts of Russian emigrants with the editorial board of Der Sozialdemokrat and other German Marxists, co.-

60 "Neues Deutschland", 19.IV.1970.

61 CPA IML, f. 200, unit hr. 5221.

62 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 34, p. 380.

63 See " Russian Contemporaries on Karl Marx and Fr. Engels", pp. 169-175.

64 "K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia", p. 457.

65 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", p. 198.

66 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 19, pp. 304-305.

page 12
All this convinced Marx and Engels that there was a growing interest in Marxist theory among some of the Russian revolutionaries. As V. I. Lenin later wrote, "the Narodniks-Chernopedeltsy evolved into social-democrats." 68 Marx did not have a chance to find out how this evolution ended. Engels witnessed the birth and development of the first Russian Marxist organization. In April 1883, he learned 69 that Plekhanov, Zasulich, and Axelrod, in an address sent to the Congress of German Social - Democracy, proposed to start raising funds for the construction of a monument to Karl Marx, as well as to create a fund for the "people's edition of all Marx's works"70 . In November, 1883. Engels received a letter from V. I. Zasulich, in which she informed him about the forthcoming publication in her Russian translation of The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science. The letter was accompanied by an announcement about the "Library of Modern Socialism", in which Russian Marxists proclaimed the creation of the Emancipation of Labor group. This announcement, Zasulich wrote, "will explain to you what our group's goals are." 71 Engels did not hesitate to reply to the" heroic citizen", as he called V. I. Zasulich, in a letter dated November 13, in which he expressed satisfaction that it was Zasulich who took over the translation of his work .72 This exchange of letters marked the beginning of Engels ' correspondence and later personal contacts with members of the Emancipation of Labor group.

Correspondence with V. I. Zasulich and, since 1893, with G. V. Plekhanov attests to Engels ' great help to the Emancipation of Labor group. He advised which works should be translated into Russian first, constantly followed the group's publications, and was pleased with reports of their successful distribution in Russia. "What you tell me about the growing interest in Russia in studying books on the theory of socialism has given me great pleasure," he wrote to Zasulich on March 6, 1884. Engels praised the high quality of the translation of a number of his and Marx's works into Russian, which was carried out by the members of the group, and willingly gave it the pre-emptive right to do so. He read Plekhanov's works with great interest. Engels ' first Marxist works, Socialism and the Political Struggle and Our Differences, which were directed against narodism, were highly appreciated. Familiarization with them, especially with the latter, aroused in Engels a feeling of pride that " there exists among the Russian youth a party that has sincerely and without reservations accepted the great economic and historical theories of Marx and has resolutely broken with all the anarchist and somewhat Slavophil traditions of its predecessors... This is progress that will be of great importance for the development of the revolutionary movement in Russia. " 74
Engels ' ties with Russian Marxists became even stronger in the late 1980s. In the last days of July, 1889, Plekhanov and Axelrod arrived in London after the Paris International Socialist Congress to meet Engels personally. Plekhanov had planned this trip as early as 1885, but for lack of funds he could not

67 The publishers of the Communist Manifesto sent one copy each to Marx and Engels. A copy of the Manifesto with a donation inscription to Engels has been preserved (CPA IML, f. 1, op. 4, ed. chr. 114).

68 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 12, p. 336.

69 CP IML, f. 1, op. 5, units of hr. 609.

70 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels, pp. 244-245; Der Sozialdemokrat, 3. V. 1883.

71 "K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia", p. 489.

72 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 36, p. 62.

73 Ibid., p. 104.

74 Ibid., p. 260.

page 13
it can then be implemented. In a recently published letter to S. M. and F. M. Kravchinsky, dated November 1887, Plekhanov expressed surprise that Kravchinsky's wife, while living in London, "misses the opportunity to meet such a person" as Engels: "After all, such people are born once in a century." 75 "I had the pleasure," Plekhanov later recalled of his first meeting with Engels,"of holding long conversations with him for almost a whole week on various practical and theoretical topics." 76 Engels approved of the intention of the Russian Marxists to call their group social-democratic and thereby emphasize its membership in international social-democracy .77 After this meeting, Engels ' correspondence with Russian Marxists became noticeably more active-first of all with V. I. Zasulich, especially in connection with the new beginning of the Emancipation of Labor group - the publication of the magazine Sotsial-Demokrat (1888-1892). The editors regularly sent it to Engels, who collaborated in the magazine and used it as an important source to study the situation in Russia, the Russian revolutionary and labor movement.

Engels ' second meeting with the leaders of the Emancipation of Labor group took place in the summer of 1893 during the International Socialist Congress in Zurich. She described her meetings with "Friedrich Karlovich," as Zasulich called Engels, in a letter to L. Deitch, who was in exile at the time .78 Plekhanov became particularly close to Engels in 1894, when he temporarily resided in London after being expelled from France. He often visited Engels and used his library. A great friend of Engels, as well as of Eleonora Marx-Eveling, was V. I. Zasulich, who moved to London in the late summer of 1894.

In addition to the Plekhanov group, Engels maintained contacts with other Russian emigrants - Social Democrats. In 1892-1893, V. Ya.Shmuylov, who came from Germany (from Dresden), visited him several times. He was acquainted with W. Liebknecht, collaborated in the social-democratic "Sachische Arbeiter-Zeitung" and maintained contacts with the group "Emancipation of Labor". Engels assisted Shmuylov in collecting material for a biography of Marx. There is information that Shmuylov had five letters from Engels, of which he forwarded one for publication. 79 Two of them were lost, which he assumed was the work of tsarist spies, and two that dealt with the issues of "our internal movement", he considered it inappropriate to publish yet .80
In the spring of 1893, Engels was visited many times by a young friend of Plekhanov, a member of social - democratic circles in Russia, A. M. Voden. His memoirs shed additional light on Engels 'attitude to the Russian workers' movement, to the first Russian Marxists. No less interesting evidence of the authority that Engels enjoyed in the social-democratic movement of Russia is a letter to him from I. P. Goldenberg (later an Iskra member, a Bolshevik better known as Meshkovsky), dated October 15-16, 1893. When Goldenberg sent Engels articles by statistician P. Skvortsov, he wrote:: "There is a dispute going on in Russia about the 'fate of capitalism in Russia'; perhaps these prints will serve at least as some material

75 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", pp. 211, 212.

76 G. V. Plekhanov. Selected Philosophical Works, vol. II, Moscow, 1956, p. 360.

77 G. V. Plekhanov, Soch. Vol. XXIV, pp. 174-179; "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz. Engels", pp. 87-88.

78 See Emancipation of Labor Group, No. 4, 1926.

79 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 39, pp. 20-22.

80 CP IML, f. 204, unit hr. 1435.

page 14
for the elaboration and substantiation of questions about the future of capitalism in Russia"81 . In the same year, Engels received and read with satisfaction "an interesting, in his estimation, study on the economy of the Russian countryside"82 by I. A. Gurvich, who at that time held Marxist positions.

In the last twelve years of his life, Engels also continued to maintain contacts with revolutionaries and public figures of the narodnik trend. He corresponded with P. L. Lavrov, although this relationship became less regular over the years and mainly concerned literary and publishing matters. Engels also gave him a significant part of the Russian Marx library in 1884 .83 On the recommendation of Lavrov, in 1892 Engels was visited by the narodnik N. Rusanov, the author of articles on the socio - economic development of Russia, known to Engels from the newspaper Vorwarts for 1891-1892. Engels positively evaluated Rusanov's article "Famine in Russia", published under the signature "Ivan Sergeyevsky" 84 . The following year, and again on Lavrov's recommendation, Engels had several conversations with Narodnaya Volya member Sh. Rappaport, who later moved to the position of Marxism and became a prominent figure in the French socialist movement.

Engels ' correspondence with N. F. Danielson, who had been involved in revolutionary circles in his youth, and a friend of Lopatin's who had devoted his life to translating Kapital into Russian, occupied a large place in his Russian connections. Engels, like Marx, did not have the opportunity to meet him, although they "very much wanted to meet Danielson and considered him a friend" 85 . Engels ' correspondence with Danielson, which began shortly after Marx's death, at first revolved mainly around the translation of the second volume of Capital into Russian. In the future, it covered a wider range of issues, including the socio-economic development of post-reform Russia, primarily the fate of capitalism and its consequences. Danielson sent Engels literature on questions of economics and the labor question. Expressing gratitude for "constant interesting reports on the economic situation... Engels wrote to Danielson on July 10, 1890: "Under the smooth surface of political calm, it is undergoing as great and important economic changes as in any other European country, and it is of the greatest interest to observe their progress." 86
In his letters and a number of his works of the 1980s and 1990s, Engels stated that Russia was firmly on the path of capitalism, while emphasizing the high rates of industrial development, noting the growing penetration of capitalism in agriculture. "In a short time," he concluded, " all the foundations of the capitalist mode of production were laid in Russia."87 . After reading Plekhanov's article "The Socio-economic situation of Russia in 1890", published in Die Neue Zeit, Engels noted that " Russia... I have worked very hard to create a large-scale national industry. " 88
81 "K. Marx, F. Engels and Revolutionary Russia", p. 659. Copies of the impressions of four articles by P. Skvortsov from the "Legal Bulletin" for 1891-1892 are kept in the Central Library of IML, f. 1, op. 4, units hr. 5784; on the impression of the second article there is a donation inscription of the author to Engels.

82 Ibid., pp. 650, 655-656.

83 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 36, p. 83.

84 "Vorwarts", 13.VIII.1891.

85 D. I. Richger. Everyday meetings. Nedelya (Sunday supplement to the Izvestia newspaper), 1965, No. 5.

86 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 37, p. 354.

87 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 22, p. 450.

88 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 33, p. 129.

page 15
He emphasized the same idea in a letter to Danielson on March 15, 1892, 89 pointing out that Marx's foresight about the destruction of the community as capitalism develops "right now... it's starting to come true... I am afraid that we will have to consider your community as a dream of an irrevocable past and take into account capitalist Russia in the future. " 90 But the translator of Capital did not understand the fallacy of his views. This could be seen by reading his book "Essays on our Post-reform Social Economy", published in 1893 and which caused great controversy. Engels, responding to Mr. V. Plekhanov, who had asked him to make a speech in the press criticizing Danielson's liberal-narodnik views, wrote on February 26, 1895: "As for Danielson, I am afraid that nothing can be done about him. I sent him a letter of materials on Russian affairs" partly directed "to his address. He got them, but as you can see, it didn't work. " 91 Engels considered the most important task of the Russian Marxists, including G. V. Plekhanov, to be a serious elaboration of the agrarian question .92
At the same time, he saw another feature of the socio - economic process taking place in Russia. The development of capitalism in a country with a large peasant population and strong remnants of serfdom will take place, in his words, "only at the cost of terrible suffering and upheavals."93 Hence the great acuteness of class contradictions, which will become the source of a brewing revolutionary crisis. The idea that Russia is on the eve of a coup runs through many of Engels ' statements about Russia in the 1990s. Just a few months before his death, he wrote, paraphrasing poems to his aunt:"If the devil of the revolution has grabbed anyone by the scruff of the neck, it's Nicholas II." 94 Deeply convinced that the revolution "is now knocking at the doors of Russia," Engels argued that "it already has enough allies inside the country who are only waiting for an opportunity to open these doors to it."95
In a letter to Bebel dated September 29-October 1, 1891, he wrote:: "In Russia, three classes are suffering: the landed gentry, the peasantry, and the nascent proletariat." The ruined nobility is already powerless to do anything, "and the peasants will go no further than local uprisings, which will be fruitless until a victorious uprising in the urban centers gives these uprisings the missing cohesion and gives them support." The Russian bourgeoisie owes its existence to the state, and it thrives even under the autocracy. Therefore, Engels continued, "it will not be easy to wait until this bourgeoisie, far superior in vileness to our own, encroaches on tsarism." The proletariat, which is still weak as an independent political force, will grow and grow stronger as capitalism develops .96 Engels was even more explicit about the working class as the decisive force of the impending Russian revolution in 1893 in a conversation with A. Woden, whose memoirs state that Engels "certainly welcomes the actions of the Russian workers and is confident that they will play a decisive role in the overthrow of the autocracy." 97 This conclusion was an important contribution to the further development of the views of the founders of Marxism on the Russian revolution.

89 Ibid., p. 264.

90 Ibid., p. 265.

91 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 39, p. 344.

92 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", p. 111.

93 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 39, pp. 128-129, 135.

94 Ibid., p. 334.

95 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 22, p. 47.

96 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 38, p. 136.

97 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", p. 105.

page 16
The result of many years of research on social relations in post-reform Russia is an afterword written by Engels in January 1894 to the new edition of his work "On the Social Question in Russia", which was published by the group"Emancipation of Labor". This afterword was a response to numerous requests from his Russian correspondents, mainly Marxists, to speak in the press about the fate of capitalism in Russia and, above all, about the peasant community. Engels ' opinion was very important for them in connection with the ideological struggle between Marxists and liberal narodniks that intensified in the 90s. The great importance of Engels 'work in this regard was emphasized by Plekhanov in the preface "From Publishers".

Engels ' afterword contains an in-depth analysis of the socio-economic development of Russia and the Russian revolutionary movement in the last third of the 19th century. He showed that, contrary to narodnik theories, "the transformation of Russia into a capitalist-industrial country, the proletarianization of a significant part of the peasants, and the destruction of the old communist community were proceeding at an ever-accelerating pace." Engels confirmed here the propositions expressed by him and Marx in 1882 in the preface to the second Russian edition of the Communist Manifesto about the maturation in Russia of objective conditions for a revolution designed to overthrow the autocracy, and about its enormous international significance. The Russian Revolution, Engels concluded, would give "a new impetus to the working-class movement of the West, create for it new and better conditions of struggle, and thereby accelerate the victory of the modern industrial proletariat, a victory without which today's Russia, neither on the basis of the community nor on the basis of capitalism, can achieve the socialist reconstruction of society."98 Such were Engels ' prophetic words about the Russian Revolution. Only ten years after Engels ' death, the world was shaken by the greatest popular revolution in Russia. Engels ' foresight that Russia "legitimately and legitimately holds the revolutionary initiative of a new social reconstruction"99 also came true .

The victorious socialist revolution accomplished in 1917 by the working class of our country under the leadership of the Communist Party, headed by the brilliant successor of the Marx and Engels cause, V. I. Lenin, opened a new era in the history of mankind.

98 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 22, p. 453.

99 "Russian Contemporaries about K. Marx and F. Schulz". Engels", p. 201.

page 17


© lib.am

Permanent link to this publication:

https://lib.am/m/articles/view/F-ENGELS-AND-THE-REVOLUTIONARY-MOVEMENT-OF-RUSSIA

Similar publications: LKyrgyzstan LWorld Y G


Publisher:

Arman VardanyanContacts and other materials (articles, photo, files etc)

Author's official page at Libmonster: https://lib.am/Vardanyan

Find other author's materials at: Libmonster (all the World)GoogleYandex

Permanent link for scientific papers (for citations):

A. K. VOROBYOVA, F. ENGELS AND THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT OF RUSSIA // Yerevan: Library of Armenia (LIB.AM). Updated: 16.01.2025. URL: https://lib.am/m/articles/view/F-ENGELS-AND-THE-REVOLUTIONARY-MOVEMENT-OF-RUSSIA (date of access: 09.02.2025).

Found source (search robot):


Publication author(s) - A. K. VOROBYOVA:

A. K. VOROBYOVA → other publications, search: Libmonster ArmeniaLibmonster WorldGoogleYandex

Comments:



Reviews of professional authors
Order by: 
Per page: 
 
  • There are no comments yet
Related topics
Publisher
Arman Vardanyan
Ереван, Armenia
40 views rating
16.01.2025 (24 days ago)
0 subscribers
Rating
0 votes
Related Articles
ON THE OUTSKIRTS OF MOSCOW IN THE AUTUMN OF 1941
Catalog: История 
7 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
Мир квантуется и убивает вульгарную Хрематистику. Цифра уничтожает Злато и Серебро, и поделом.
Catalog: Экономика 
GREAT OCTOBER, SOCIALISM AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION
10 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
A. E. KUPRAVA. CULTURE OF SOVIET ABKHAZIA FOR 60 YEARS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SKETCH
10 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
CHANGES IN THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE POPULATION OF DAGESTAN AT THE STAGE OF DEVELOPED SOCIALISM
10 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
D. I. ISMAIL-ZADE. RUSSIAN PEASANTRY IN TRANSCAUCASIA. 30S OF THE XIX-BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY
11 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
SPEECH OF THE GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE CPSU, COMRADE MIKHAIL GORBACHEV, AT THE PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE CPSU ON MARCH 11, 1985
11 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
IDEOLOGICAL WORK DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR
11 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan
K. N. TARNOVSKY. REVOLUTIONARY THOUGHT, REVOLUTIONARY CAUSE (LENIN'S ISKRA IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CREATION OF A MARXIST PARTY IN RUSSIA)
11 days ago · From Arman Vardanyan

New publications:

Popular with readers:

News from other countries:

LIB.AM - Digital Library of Armenia

Create your author's collection of articles, books, author's works, biographies, photographic documents, files. Save forever your author's legacy in digital form. Click here to register as an author.
Library Partners

F. ENGELS AND THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT OF RUSSIA
 

Editorial Contacts
Chat for Authors: AM LIVE: We are in social networks:

About · News · For Advertisers

Digital Library of Armenia ® All rights reserved.
2020-2025, LIB.AM is a part of Libmonster, international library network (open map)
Keeping the heritage of Armenia


LIBMONSTER NETWORK ONE WORLD - ONE LIBRARY

US-Great Britain Sweden Serbia
Russia Belarus Ukraine Kazakhstan Moldova Tajikistan Estonia Russia-2 Belarus-2

Create and store your author's collection at Libmonster: articles, books, studies. Libmonster will spread your heritage all over the world (through a network of affiliates, partner libraries, search engines, social networks). You will be able to share a link to your profile with colleagues, students, readers and other interested parties, in order to acquaint them with your copyright heritage. Once you register, you have more than 100 tools at your disposal to build your own author collection. It's free: it was, it is, and it always will be.

Download app for Android