Close ties between the peoples of Russia and the Caucasus, which had been established since ancient times, continued to develop in the XVII century. 1 It was then that the ethnic name of the Turkic-speaking Balkars, who lived in the mountainous zone of the territory of the present Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR, first appears in the documents of the Embassy Order. Information about the various aspects of the life of this people gradually develops into a picture, some fragments of which have not yet been sufficiently investigated .2
The earliest mention in Russian documents of the "place of Balkar", its location, dependence on the Kabardian princes is found in connection with the search for silver ore in the North Caucasus in 1628-1629. Russia was in dire need of this metal, primarily for coinage .3 Therefore, the news that there is a large deposit somewhere in the Caucasus aroused interest. News of it was brought to Moscow in 1628 by a Kabardian named Kanshov-murza, who was acting on behalf of Prince Pshemakho Kambulatovich Cherkassky.

As a result of the search undertaken by the voivode of the Terek city I. A. Dashkov, it turned out that silver ore is mined by local residents in the foothills between the Cherek and Khaznidon rivers, i.e. in the borderlands of Balkaria, Kabarda and Ossetia. The best way to get there is a three-verst route from the foot of the Black Mountains up the Syugaisu river gorge (Psygansu). Dashkov's message about people who carry bread in bags as a tribute is noteworthy

from flat Kabarda to the mountains. In a letter dated January 11, 1629, the voivode reported: "The yasach people of the Kabardian Murz live in those mountains, but from the Balkar mountains, and that place is owned by the nephew of the Kanshov-Murza named Abshita Vzrekov" 4 .

Two months later, clarifications followed: baptized Circassians Sidor Semyonov and Marko Agapitov, sent by the voivode to investigate the location of the ore, said:: "The place where they went with Kanshov-Murza is owned by the Circassian Murz Apshi and Abdaulla of the Bolkar princes." These owners, including Vzrekov, are sometimes considered "Kabardian murzas" .5 But in fact, the Balkar taubii (mountain princes) were only related to the Kabardian princes, since the mother (at least one of them) was the sister of Pshemakho Cherkassky, who was married to the Balkar owner. Semenov and Agapitov said that the taubians "listen" to the Kabardian murza, Alyoguka Sheganukov (the largest feudal lord of Greater Kabarda), i.e. they are in vassalage from him. The eldest of them was Vzrekov, the" nephew " of the Kabardins on his mother's side. The mention of the second Tawbiyyah-Abdaullah begins a chain of events that are very important for the history of Russian-Caucasian relations. For more than 20 years after 1629, there is no news about the Balkars in Russian sources. The development of the proposed silver deposit did not take place. Moscow's political interests were then concentrated in the North-Eastern Caucasus. But in connection with the embassy of the steward N. M. Tolochanov and the deacon A. I. Ievlev to the Imereti kingdom, information about the Balkars reappear 6. In 1651, Alibek Chepolov and Aydabul were named among the Balkar owners. Modern experts unanimously believe that the latter name is a variant spelling of Abdaullah and that this meant the Balkar murza, familiar from the events of 1628-1629. Aydabul appeared before the Russian people as atalyk (uncle-

1 See, in particular: Kusheva E. N. Peoples of the North Caucasus and their relations with Russia (the second half of the XVI-30s of the XVII century), Moscow, 1963; Batsvadze T. D. Peoples of the North Caucasus in Georgian-Russian political relations in the XVI-XVIII centuries. Tbilisi. 1974.

2 Kabardino-Russian relations in the 16th century-

XVIII centuries Doc. i m-ly. Vol. 1. Moscow, 1957; Peoples of the Caucasus. Vol. 1. Moscow, 1960; Essays on the history of the Balkar people. Nalchik, 1961; Alekseeva E. P. Karachay and Balkar people-the ancient people of the Caucasus. Cherkessk. 1963; History of the Kabardino-Balkar ASSR. Vol. 1. Moscow, 1967; Lavrov L. I. Karachay and Balkaria to the 30s of the XIX century. In: Kavkazskiy etnograficheskiy sbornik [Caucasian Ethnographic Collection], vol. 4, Moscow, 1969; Chechenov I. M. Drevnosti Kabardino-Balkarii. Nalchik, 1969; Volkova N. G. Etnonymy i plemennye namy Severnogo Kavkaza, Moscow, 1973; Miziev IM. Balkartsy i karachayevtsy v pamyatnikakh istorii [Ethnonyms and tribal names of the North Caucasus]. Nalchik. 1981; and others.

3 Maksimov M. M. Ocherk o serebre [Essay on silver], Moscow, 1974, p. 101.

4 Kabardino-Russian relations in the XVI-XVIII centuries. Vol. 1, pp. 120-121.

5 Volkova N. G. Etnicheskiy sostav naseleniya Severnogo Kavkaza v XVIII - nachale XX v. [Ethnic composition of the population of the North Caucasus in the 18th-early 20th centuries].

6 Poliyevktov M. A. Embassy of stolnik Tolochanov and deacon Ievlev to Imereti, 1650-1652. Tiflis, 1926, pp. 31, 117.

page 175

ka-tutor) of the Kabardian Prince Kambulat, son of Pshemakho Cherkassky. And the area of "Bolkhary" was again mentioned in connection with the" Cherek River", one and a half days away from the" Zazorukin pubs", i.e. the settlements of the Kabardian Anzorovs.

The Russian embassy then overcame the Geze-Aftseg pass on the Main Caucasian Ridge with dangers ("many horses and people were crushed, and they were killed to a pulp"), which was facilitated by 240 mountaineers gathered by order of Tsar Alexander of Imereti in the Balkar Gorge and carrying packs. In 1655, a new embassy was sent from Moscow to Imereti, headed by V. Zhidovin and F. Kropotkin. Poroshinym. The Embassy's article list has preserved many essential facts .7 On March 25, the ambassadors left Tersky Gorodok and in early April visited Murza Kambulat Pshemakhovich in Kabarda. From there, already well-trodden road, on April 14, they moved "to Bolkhary". The sick Kambulat could not guide them, and "up to the Bolkhara gap "(Cherek River gorge) they were escorted by his mother Babasupkh, probably nee Balkarka. There the ambassadors were received by "the Bolkhar owner Yeidabulov's children Enbulat da Tazy da Bolkhar owner Yan..." (the latter's name is illegible - V. V.). They became guides on the way to the Main Caucasus Mountain Range. "Through the mountains" the embassy was escorted by Enbulat (elsewhere referred to as Zhenbulat), "the son of the Bolkhar owner of Aibabul".

The Balkan-Georgian contacts of that time were still far from being fully clarified, and they had a specific content that did not always depend on the "Kabardian factor" .8 Already the events of 1650-1652 showed the existence of connections between the Balkars and the reigning house of Imereti. In 1655, these connections were established. Enbulat Aidabulov visited Imereti, accompanying the Russian embassy. Materials of the embassy documentation, consistent with the available Georgian sources, 9 report: on the eve of the embassy's return journey, the young Balkar taubius was solemnly baptized in Kutaisi; his godfather was Tsar Alexander of Imereti.

It is known that up to the 18th century, the bulk of the Balkars professed a syncretic (pagan-Christian) religion, remaining pagans in the eyes of true Christians .10 The Muslim name of Abdullah, which was worn by Enbulat's father, does not serve as a sign of religion, although it is impossible to exclude the possibility of adherence to Islam of this feudal lord, who is closely connected with the Kabardian princes. But in any case, the baptism of the Balkar owner from an influential family was a serious political step, designed for the prospect of a Balkar-Georgian union. When King Teymuraz of Kakheti, Russia's ally in the fight against Turkey and Iran, left Imereti for Moscow in the spring of 1658, his path lay through the Balkans, where he received support. There, another member of a noble family, Artutai Aidabulov, joined the royal motorcade."

Artutai is the first Balkarian whose visit to Moscow is reflected in the sources 12 . His journey to Moscow was long and difficult. He arrived in the Russian capital at the same time as nine Tushins (mountaineers of Eastern Georgia) and three Shibuts (messengers of the Chechens of the Argun Gorge).13 . Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich received with honor in the Faceted Chamber a representative of the Balkar princely family, who had proved friendly to Russia, thanked him for his services and, according to custom, presented him with " forty sables worth 40 rubles." Only the chief of the Shibuts, Alkhan, and two elders of Tushetia, who were interested in friendship with Russia in those years, were awarded an equal award (not counting Teimuraz, whose status as king of Kakheti was much higher) .14
7 TSGADA, F. PO, Relations between Russia and Georgia, 1655, 2, ll 1-56.

8 Vinogradov V. B. New information about the periodization and character of Georgian-North Caucasian historical and cultural relations (before the beginning of the XX century). In: IV International Symposium on Georgian Art. Tbilisi. 1983, pp. 5-6.

9 See Nakashidze N. T. Russo-Georgian political relations in the first half of the 17th century. Tbilisi. 1968.

10 Lavrov L. I. Epigraphic monuments of the North Caucasus, ch. p. L. 1966, p. 137sl.

11 TSGADA, F. PO, Relations of Russia with Georgia, 1658, 6, ll. 4-17.

12 For more information, see: Vinogradov V. B. Artutai-a friend of Moscow.. In: Time, Mountains, People. Fearsome. 1980, pp. 87-92.

13 Kusheva E. N. Uk. soch., p. 79; Magomadova T. S. About the time of Islamization of the population of the Argun gorge. In: Archeology and Issues of Atheism. Fearsome. 1977, from 80sl.

14 Kusheva E. N., Usmanov M. N. On the question of the Vainakh social order

page 176

Documents revealing details of Balkar Taubiy's stay in the Russian capital have not yet been found 15 . However, it is known that he stayed in Moscow for about a year. The probable purpose of Artutai's appearance in Moscow was to take the oath of allegiance to the Russian tsar on behalf of the Balkars .16 The Shibuts and Tushins then took such an oath, speaking in full agreement with Teymuraz, whom they accompanied 17 . The motivation for the formation of the Russian orientation among the peoples of the Caucasus was the need to protect themselves from the aggressive actions of Sultan's Turkey, the Crimean Khanate and Shah's Iran .18
In the autumn of 1659, Artutai returned to his homeland. It is known that in the last third of the 17th century, the Georgian king Archil and his sons repeatedly had to hide in Balkaria and Digoria from Turkish and Persian invaders. Archilovichi repeatedly passed through Kabarda to Terskiy Gorodok, Astrakhan and Moscow 19 . And they came back the same way. Without the cooperation of the Balkars, who are friendly to Russia and Georgia, this could not have happened. The final entry of Balkaria into Russia was completed at the end of the XVIII century. 20 But the beginning of this process is associated with events reflected in the sources of the XVII century.

(letter of 1657 from the Shibut Jamaat to Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich). - Soviet Ethnography, 1978, N 6, p. 99sl.

15 Tcherepnin L. V., Pashuto V. T. Formation of the Russian centralized state in the comparative-historical aspect (XVI-XVII centuries). Voprosy istorii, 1978, No. 2.

16 Azamatov K. G. On the issue of Russian-Balkar relations in the XVIII century. In: Great October and Advanced Russia in the Historical Destinies of the peoples of the North Caucasus. Fearsome. 1982.

17 Buzurtanov M. O., Vinogradov V. B., Umarov S. Ts. Forever together. Fearsome. 1980, pp. 34-35.

18 Vinogradov V. B. Russia and the North Caucasus. (Literature review for 1971-1975). Istoriya SSSR, 1977, N 3.

19 Meskhia Sh. A., Tsintsadze Ya. Z. From the history of Russian-Georgian relations of the X-XVIII centuries. Tbilisi. 1958, p. 87sl; Tatashvili V. Georgians in Moscow. Tbilisi. 1959; Paichadze G. G. Materials on the history of Russian-Georgian relations (80-90 - ies of the XVII century). Vol. 1. Tbilisi. 1974, p. 6.

20 Bliev M. M. On the question of the time when the peoples of the North Caucasus joined Russia. Voprosy istorii, 1970, No. 7; Kinyapina N. S., Bliev M. M., Degoev V. V. Kavkaz i Srednaya Aziya v vneshnoi politike Rossii [The Caucasus and Central Asia in Russia's Foreign Policy]. The second half of the XVIII-80s of the XIX century. Moscow, 1984, p.387.

page 177

Permanent link to this publication: